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"General Harrion on Slavery," Charleston
Courier, 15 Jan. 1840.
Gen. Harrison.-We again recur to the sentiments of Gen. HARRISON on the subjects
of slavery and abolition, to render him all the justice in our power. The impression
has hitherto been strong in our mind, that although he could not himself be called
an abolitionist, yet that he was disposed to lean towards the abolitionists, or at
least court their alliance-and under this impression we have recently written several
articles. We have been furnished, however, with a copy of a late number of the Raleigh,
(N.C.) Register, containing the following extract from a speech, delivered
by Gen. HARRISON, about two years since, at Vincennes, Ohio, which, we do not hesitate
to say places him in an attitude towards abolition and abolitionists, different from
that which we supposed him to occupy, and which is in doctrine and sentiment every
thing that the South could wish, and what the South must heartily approve. Instead
of courting the abolitionists, he censures and condemns them in no measured terms,
and even argues, with patriotic zeal and logical strength, that abolition discussion
in the non-slaveholding states are an unconstitutional abuse of the privileges of
speech and the press. We still think the passage we cited, in previous articles,
from Gen. HARRISON'S Cheviot speech, justly and highly exceptionable in doctrine
and sentiment, and his reserve on the slave question, during the last canvass
for the Presidency, suspicious, but the subjoined more recent and truly patriotic
exhibition of his views, connected with the late denunciation of him by the Emancipator,
and the Anti-Slavery Almanac, constrain us from a sense of justice to acquit
him of any present alliance with abolitionism. We cheerfully make him the amende
honorable and record with pleasure the following evidence of his fidelity to
the constitutional rights of the South. We shall expect him however, to hold to his
present attitude, and neither to give future countenance, not receive future support
from the fanatic foes of the South. He must continue to hold them at arm's length
and shun their embrace as he would that of the shirt of Nessus-and if so, but not
otherwise, so far as the slave question is concerned, he will stand on an
equal footing with Mr. VAN BUREN in canvassing for the votes of the South.
GEN. HARRISON ON SLAVERY.
As the views of Gen. Harrison, on the subject of Slavery have been much misrepresented
in the South, the following extracts from an Address, delivered by him at Vincennes,
(Indiana,) two years since, will satisfy the public in this respect.
I have now, fellow citizens, a few words more to say on another subject, and which
is, in my opinion, of more importance than any other that is now in the course of
discussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed,
and the movements of certain individuals in some of the States in relation to a portion
of the population in others. The conduct of these persons is the more dangerous,
because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness and benevolence;
and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which in the abstract no
one can deny. But, however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes
are presented to their fellow-citizens, with whatever purity of intention they may
have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief
to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which, it is probable,
some of the projectors and many of their supporters have never thought of; the latter
the first in the series of evils which are to spring from their source, are such
as you have read of to have been perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy and Gaul,
by the Scythian hordes of Attila and Olaric; and such as most of you apprehended
upon that memorable night, when the tomahawks and war clubs of the followers of Tecumseh
were rattling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such intention
upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the examination of the
publications which have been made, they will be found to contain the very fact, and
very argument which would have been used, if such had been their object. I am certain
that there is not, in this assembly, one of these deluded men, and that there are
few within the bounds of the State. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them
to forbear; to pause in their career, and deliberately consider the consequence of
their conduct to the whole Union, to the States more immediately interested, and
to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be the victims
of the weak, injudicious, presumptuous and unconstitutional efforts to serve them,
a thorough examination of the subject must convince them. The struggle (and struggle
there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end
with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose
cause they advocate.
Am I wrong fellow-citizens, in applying the terms weak, presumptuous and unconstitutional,
to the measures of the emancipators? A slight examination will, I think show that
I am not. In a vindication of the objects of a Convention which was lately held in
one of to towns of Ohio, which I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more
was intended than to produce a state of public feeling which would lead to an amendment
of the Constitution, authorizing the abolition of Slavery in the United States. Now
can an amendment of the Constitution be effected without the consent of the Southern
States? What then is the proposition to be submitted to them? It is this:-"The
present provisions of the Constitution secures to you the right (a right which you
held before it was made, which you have never given up,) to manage your domestic
concerns in your own way, but as we are convinced that you do not manage them properly,
we want you to put in the hands of the General Government, in the councils of which
we have the majority, the control over these matters, the effect of which will be
virtually to transfer the powers from yours into our hands." Again? in some
of the States, and in sections of others, the black population far exceeds that of
the white. Some of the emancipators propose an immediate abolition. What is the proposition
then, as it regards the States and parts of States, but the alternatives of amalgamation
with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with them? Is there any man of common
sense who does not believe that the emancipated blacks, being a majority, will not
insist upon a full participation of political rights with the whites; and when possessed
of these they will not contend for a full share of social rights also? What but the
extremity of weekness [sic] and folly could induce any one to think that such propositions
as these could be listened to by a people so intelligent as the Southern States?
Further. The emancipators generally declare that it is their intention to effect
their object (although their acts contradict the assertion) by no other means than
by convincing the slaveholders that the immediate emancipation of the slaves is called
for, both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfledged youth, at the moment
of his leaving (indeed in many instances before he has left it) his Theological Seminary,
undertakes to give lectures upon morals to the countrymen of Wythe, Tucker, Pendleton
and Lowndes, and lessons of political wisdom to States, whose affairs have so recently
been directed by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Crawford. Is it possible, that
instances of greater vanity and presumption could be exhibited? But the course pursued
by the emancipators is unconstitutional. I do not say that there are any words in
the Constitution which forbid the discussions they are engaged in; I know there are
not. And there is even an article which secures to the citizen the right to express
and publish their opinions without restriction. But in the construction of the Constitution,
it is always necessary to refer to the circumstances under which it was framed, and
to ascertain its meaning by a comparison of its provisions with each other, and with
the previous situation of the several States who were parties to it. In a portion
of these, slavery was recognized, and they took care to have the right secured to
them; to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other States. The laws
of Congress passed under this power, have provided punishment to any who shall oppose
or interrupt the exercise of this right. Now can any one believe, that the instrument
which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his
slave into another State, take him back, and provides punishment for any citizen,
or citizens of that State who should oppose him should, at the same time, authorize
the latter to assemble together, to pass Resolutions and adopt Addresses, not only
to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, but to cut their throats before they
do so?
I insist that if the citizens of the non-slave-holding states can avail themselves
of the article of the Constitution, which prohibits the restriction of speech, or
the press to publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slaveholding States,
that they can go to the extreme what I have mentioned, and effect any thing further
which writing or speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the principles
of the Constitution. Such a construction would defeat one of the great objects of
its formation, which was that of securing the peace and harmony of the States which
were parties to it. The liberty of speech and of the press were given as the most
effectual means to preserve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to the
States the rights which appertained to them, at the time of their adoption. It could
never have been expected that it would be used by the citizens of one portion of
the States for the purpose of depriving those of another portion, of the rights which
they had reserved at the adoption of the Constitution, and in the exercise of which,
none but themselves have any concern or interest. If slavery is an evil, the evil
is with them. If there is guilt in it the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither
the States where it does exist, nor the Government of the United States can, without
usurpation of power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do anything to remove
it without the consent of those who are immediately interested. But they will neither
ask for aid, nor consent to be aided whilst the illegal, persecuting and dangerous
movements are in progress, of which I complain; the interest of all concerned requires
that these should be stopped immediately. This can only be done by the force of public
opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into operation. Every movement which
is made by the abolitionists in the non-slaveholding States, is viewed by our Southern
brethren, as an attack upon their rights, and which, if persisted in, must in the
end eradicate those feelings of attachment and affection between the citizens of
all the States which was produced by a community of interests and dangers in the
War of the Revolution, which was the foundation of our happy union, and by a continuance
of which, it can alone be perceived. I entreat you then, to frown upon the measures
which are to produce results so much to be deprecated. The opinions which I have
now given, I have omitted no opportunity for the last two years to lay before the
people of my own State. I have taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that
even if they should unfortunately not accord with yours, that they would be kindly
received.
