| ||
View Document Frames
For the Colored American. FROM OUR WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENT. United States Representatives' Hall, WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 9th, 1841. FRIEND RAY:--There has been much interesting discussion in the Senate during the present week, on the preemption bill, which proposes to give squatters on the public lands, foreigners as well as others, the priviledge of having those lands in preference to non-squatters.--In the course of the discussion, the subjects of foreigners having the right to vote, before being naturalized, was incidentally introduced: and, would you believe it, their right to vote, before being naturalized, was incidentally introduced; and would you believe it, their right to vote was strenuously contended for by Hon. Silas Wright, and several others! What an idea! that foreigners, not naturalized, but owing allegiance to another power, should have a right to vote in this country, and thus have a hand in controlling our national affairs! What are we to expect next? And while on the one hand, these friends of "the largest liberty" are for this most unwarrantable extension of the elective franchise, lest they should withhold from man his rights, they would spurn the idea of giving to a native American the same right, if he happened to have too dark a complexion to suit their caprice. Verily, these gentlemen are democratic only in spots--a kind of "ring-streaked and speckled" sort of democrats. I have witnessed, during the present session, several instances of the presentation of abolition petitions, and their rejection; and it has struck me, as an insult to the members offering the petitions, and to the petitioners themselves. I say an insult; for what is it to refuse a petition so much as a hearing; It is as much as to say to the petitioner, "You are guilty of outraging all propriety, by presenting something to Congress unfit to be listened to;" and to the member offering it, "You, sirrah, are guilty of offering trash unfit to come before this body." If this were in reality so, such a member should be expelled from Congress. But it is not so; the petitions should be heard, and, therefore, the House in refusing to receive and hear abolition petitions, violates the rights of the petitioners and of the members offering the petitions, and adds insult to the usurpation. And you will no doubt recollect that Henry Clay, although he was averse to the grant of the petitions, was, at the same time, for giving them a hearing. Nay, even in the recent message of Gov. Yell, of Arkansas, he thinks it possible that abolitionists have the right to a hearing in Congress: and he advocates the idea of receiving the petitions, and referring them to a committee of abolition members, so that the South may understand precisely what ground abolitionists have the right to a hearing in Congress: and he advocates the idea of receiving the petitions, and referring them to a committee of abolition members, so that the South may understand precisely what ground abolitionists assume in relation to southern slavery. At the same time, he says, that if they have not the right to be heard, they ought to be punished for misdemeanor in presenting petitions. If abolitionists have not the right to petition Congress, they ought to be punished for doing so, and the members offering their petitions should be expelled; but if they have this right, they ought to be heard. There is no proper middle ground; and consequently Congress, in its State of betweenity, occupies a very unreasonable position. And then, just think of the precedent, of refusing to hear these petitions. If Congress may thus exercise their own discretionary power, as to what petitions they will hear or not hear, where is the security for the right of being heard in any case? Any subject disagreeable to the majority, may in this way be blinked and got rid of. And then what becomes of our rights and liberties? What becomes of our constitution, which provides for the right of petition? for it is the mockery of this right, not to hear a petition when it is made. Hence, Congress are manifestly guilty of violating the Constitution, in refusing to hear abolition petitions.
The United States' Supreme Court has commenced its session today. The judges are all present excepting Thompson and Story. It is before this august tribunal that John Quincy Adams is soon to appear, to plead the causes of outraged humanity, in the case of the Amistad captives. Look out for something worth communicating when that day arrives.
| ||
![]() |
|
| home | site map | discovery | library | timeline | teaching | search | forum |